The member representing Abak, Etim Ekpo, Ika federal constituency in the national assembly, Mr Clement Jimbo is given to saying it as it is. He is not a stranger when it comes to speaking his mind especially if the matter affects his constituents or Akwa Ibom State. In this interview with ETEBONG AKPAN and UDUAK AKAI , the national assembly member who has declared his intention to go for a second term takes time out to address the contentious issue bordering on the agitation for the creation an Obolo State saying the idea is dead on arrival. He touches on the chances of the APC in the next general election in the country. The achievements of Governor Umoh Eno and President Tinubu and why Akwa Ibom people should join hands with the governor to see to the success of the Arise Agenda instead of seeking to divide the people and the need for the new APC members to accommodate their brothers who were already there in the interest of brotherhood.
Excerpts:
How are you managing the pressure of having to accommodate an overwhelming number of new supporters, considering you initially had just a small base?
Democracy is about numbers. There is no point where you can say, “I have enough supporters.” You must keep your arms open to all who want to join. That’s the spirit of the APC.
Yes, it’s a burden. Initially, I was catering for about 23,000 people; the number of those who voted for me. Now, we’ve absorbed about 18,000 PDP supporters. That’s over 40,000 direct followers under my watch alone. Add to that, the federal constituency I represent has over 500,000 people. Altogether, we are talking about nearly a million people to reach and cater for.
From an economic point of view, we are always faced with limited resources and unlimited demands. That’s why we apply prioritization. If ten people make requests, we assess who needs it most urgently. Some will be handled immediately, some in two months, some in six.
But thankfully, we are not alone. The governor is bringing resources, the Speaker is also contributing, and as a House member, I bring my own support. Commissioner Aniekan Umana is adding his bit from the state level too. Together, we pool resources and distribute based on needs.
Whenever I visit my wards, I appeal to the former PDP members, who are now with us. I tell them’ from 1999 to 2025, you’ve benefited greatly. It shows, even physically.
Now that we’re all one family, let the original APC members take 70% of the available resources, and the former PDP members take 30%. If there’s agreement, then that’s unity.
As the Senate President would say in Ibibio, “dia mkpo suho nno eyen uka maak adikpa abiong” Meaning we must make wise and fair decisions as a united family.
Most old APC members were surviving on a ‘Deeper Life’ level. With the PDP members joining with their resources, it’s only fair that we now balance things to what I call a ‘Full Life’ level. But even before his formal defection, Governor Umo Eno never discriminated. He carried everyone along.
And I can testify: he will ensure APC members, especially the competent ones, are considered for sensitive positions so they too can contribute to governance.
What is your view of the current political atmosphere in the state?
There is zero opposition in Akwa Ibom State today. We saw a similar situation back in 1999, 2000, and 2001. The political climate during that time was calm, with minimal resistance. Fast forward to today, and we’re witnessing the same thing. Interestingly, the current governor, like Obong Victor Attah then, is from the same senatorial district. It’s almost a repeat of history.
There’s a spiritual dimension to this as well. Don’t forget, Akwa Ibom is the only state in the federation including the FCT that is named after God. I believe God takes special interest in what happens here.
We’re witnessing, again, a period of little or no opposition. And if you recall, during Obong Victor Attah’s tenure there was also minimal opposition . He was able to take on major issues like the onshore/offshore oil dichotomy. That struggle brought tangible benefits to the state.
Today, with Pastor Umo Bassey Eno in charge under similar conditions, he has made it clear that his priority is to deliver the Ibom Deep Seaport. And I believe he will succeed— just like Attah did.
But how do you reconcile the Deep Seaport plan with the fact that some groups in the proposed host area are agitating for a separate state?
That’s a fair question. By the grace of God, I am a member of the Constitution Review Committee. Right now, we’re holding stakeholder meetings and public hearings across the zones on various bills and agitations.
Let me be categorical: the proposed state creation does not stand a chance. They haven’t met the constitutional requirements. And it’s not just this one—many other groups across the country are also calling for new states.
But creating a state in Nigeria is an enormous task. Getting the memoranda to pass the National Assembly’s threshold alone is like squeezing water from a stone. I wish them well, but without the governor’s support or the buy-in of key stakeholders, the proposal is dead on arrival.
“We Must Support the Governor’s Vision, Not Agitate for Division”
As a member of the Constitutional Review Committee. What’s your personal stance on the state creation agitation?
I will vote against that bill. I will speak against it because that’s not what we need right now. What we need is unity. The governor is building synergy, and we must support that with every fibre of our being. This is not the time to seek division. It just doesn’t make sense.
The APC is expected to hold its national congress soon, preceded by congresses at the ward, chapter, and state levels. With the recent PDP-APC alliance in Akwa Ibom, do you foresee any internal struggle for control of party structures?
Not at all. When we talk about party structure, let’s recall 1999 when democracy returned. The state then had little or no opposition. It didn’t matter who became ward, chapter, or state chairman—the direction was one, and that direction came from the governor, who is the political leader.
Today, the same applies. Governor Umo Eno is the political leader of the APC in Akwa Ibom. That has been declared publicly by the immediate past national chairman of the party before he resigned. It was reaffirmed last week during the South- South APC meeting.
In fact, during a recent stakeholders meeting at Government House, Uyo, the party leadership in the state reaffirmed him as the party leader when the Senate President, Senator Godswill Akpabio, formally handed over the state structure to him. So, there’s no room for conflict.
Even if the governor decides to overhaul the entire structure and install a new one, it will still report to him. He is the leader. And no one is coming in to displace me or anyone else. I remain the member representing my federal constituency. There’s no conflict.
What we are focused on now is supporting the governor to achieve his vision, especially the development of the state and the realization of the Ibom Deep Seaport. That is our collective mission.
Whether it’s a ward chairman, chapter executive, or state party leader, their job is the same: to advance the interest of the party. And that includes re-electing the governor, the president, the Senate President, and me in 2027. So it doesn’t matter who holds what. What matters is that they are competent and committed to the vision.
You’ve openly declared your intention to seek a second term. Beyond the traditional zoning
arrangement in your area, what do you think will convince your constituents to return you to the National Assembly?
Thank you very much. That’s an important question, and I’d like to use this opportunity to explain not just to my constituents but to Nigerians at large why having an experienced, intelligent, and people-focused lawmaker in the National Assembly is crucial.
Let me put it this way: if you want to win a football match, you send in your best eleven. That’s how the governor often puts it, and he’s right.
National politics is a different ballgame entirely. All 360 federal constituencies are sending their best, most experienced, most strategic representatives.
This is why you find people who have been in the National Assembly since 1999 from some section of the country. Some are currently serving their sixth or seventh term. For example, the current Speaker of the 10th House of Representatives, Dr. Tajudeen Abbas, is now in his fourth term. That longevity is not accidental.
It is built on performance and the trust of their people. Why is this important? It is because in the National Assembly; ranking is everything, Committee chairmanships, leadership opportunities and influence comes with seniority.
And there’s no constitutional term limit or zoning in the National Assembly.
So if a lawmaker is doing well, nothing stops them from continuing.
Now, let’s bring it home. When a representative gains seniority, the entire community benefits. Let me use Mr Unyime Idem as an example In the 9th Assembly, he was a deputy committee chairman and did relatively little. But now, in the 10th Assembly, he’s the chairman of the
Public Procurement Committee; a Grade A committee.
The result is massive infrastructural projects and impactful human empowerment programs in just two years. Imagine the gains if he returns to the 11th Assembly. He’ll be even more senior, and the benefits will multiply for his constituency and Akwa Ibom State.
This is how politics works in Northern Nigeria. They are strategic, deliberate, and intentional in retaining capable representatives. They understand the value of continuity. That’s why their regions often come out stronger in terms of federal appointments and projects.
Right now, the Speaker is from the North, and the President is from the South. But when the presidency rotates back to the North, the Speakership will likely return to the South.
The question we should be asking ourselves now is this: Who are we preparing? Who in the South has the ranking, pedigree, and capacity to occupy that seat?
That’s why experience matters. That’s why continuity matters. It’s not about personal ambition, It’s about positioning our region to benefit more from the national table.
You’ve emphasised the need for a political strategy. Could you explain further what that means in the context of your second-term bid?
Absolutely. What the North has done so well consistently is play politics with strategy, not emotion. They already know who their next Senate President will be when the presidency returns to the North. That’s not random gambling; that’s long-term planning.
If we in the South don’t begin to adopt the same strategic approach for the overall interest of our region and state, we’ll keep losing out at the national level.
Let me also speak frankly on the issue of zoning in the National Assembly.
The main reason zoning even became necessary in the first place was because, in the past, when someone from a particular local government was elected, he focused almost entirely on his own local government; empowering only his community, his clan, or even his family members. That kind of selfish representation sparked agitation.
But when God blesses a constituency with a de-tribalized lawmaker, Someone who shares projects and opportunities equitably across all areas, that’s a person who deserves to continue. I can confidently say that Clement Jimbo fits that profile. I am a de-tribalized Nigerian.
Let me give you concrete examples. Within just my first two years in office, I’ve built four brand-new school blocks. Two are in Abak, one in Ika, and one in Etim Ekpo. I could
have cited all four in Abak, my own local government—but I didn’t. I chose equity.
I’ve also facilitated employment for 12 constituents—five from Abak, three from Ika, and three from Etim Ekpo. I’ve installed solar-powered boreholes in three locations: one in each local government. I run fully operational constituency offices in Abak, Ika, Etim Ekpo, and Abuja.
There is nothing I’ve done in Abak that I haven’t also done in Ika and Etim Ekpo.
That’s why there’s no agitation against me from any of the three local government areas. Nobody is saying “Clement Jimbo should finish and go.” They know I’ve been fair.
Let’s also not forget the political dynamics that Ika, for example, already
has the Minister of State for Petroleum (Gas) and the Chairman of the National Assembly Service Commission. That’s a significant representation Abak, on the other hand, is a semi-urban area with a large voting population.
In the last general election, we delivered nearly 19,000 votes for the current Senate President—the second-highest in the entire senatorial district. I personally received over 13,000 votes from Abak, while Ika gave me about 5,000, and Etim Ekpo about 4,000.
Put together, Ika and Etim Ekpo couldn’t match Abak’s vote tally.
That says something about the strength and political consciousness of Abak, and why the people there also deserve sustained representation.
You’ve made your second-term ambition clear. Given the traditional zoning in your area, what’s your message to the constituents especially those in Etim Ekpo and Ika?
That’s a very important point. Our electoral strength lies in Abak, and we must put forward a candidate who commands those numbers. Right now, some people are forming new groups—ADA, ADC, and so on. But we can’t afford to gamble with someone who doesn’t have proven electoral value.
So, I appeal to my constituents, especially in Ika and Etim Ekpo, to support Clement Jimbo for a second term. This is not about self-interest, it’s for the greater good of the constituency.
It’s about continuity, deepening development, and aligning with the governor to fully implement the ARISE Agenda in our area.
The emergence of ADC appears to have shaken things a bit. If elections were held today,
what are the chances of the APC and President Tinubu?
If elections were held today, Nigerians would vote massively for the All Progressives Congress (APC). The statistics are there to support that.
When President Bola Ahmed Tinubu took office on May 29, 2023, the economy was in a bad shape. But today, for the first time in recent memory, the naira is stable. For the first time, Nigeria is exporting refined petroleum products. We are recording trade surpluses—our exports exceed imports. That’s a major shift. We’re moving from a consuming to a producing economy.
That has never happened before. Also, for the first time in decades, the minimum wage for civil servants has increased by over 113%—from N30,000 to N70,000. And the law now mandates that this wage be reviewed every three years instead of five.
We now have student loans fully backed by budgetary allocation. In the 2024 budget, N22 billion was allocated.
In the 2025 budget, that amount was increased to N88 billion.
Many university students are already accessing these loans.
For the first time ever, Nigeria now has a consumer credit system, a game changer for average Nigerians. The long-term impact of these economic reforms is gradually becoming visible, and Nigerians are beginning to see the direction this administration is heading.
We’re simply asking for patience.
By God’s grace, I personally moved the motion on the floor of the House urging Nigeria to embrace mechanized agriculture. Today, the governors of Benue and Nasarawa States have keyed into that. They are cultivating massive hectares of rice. That is why the price of a bag of rice dropped from around N100,000 a few months ago to about N60,000.
When more states join this agricultural revolution, the food crisis will ease drastically.
What about insecurity? That was a major challenge the Tinubu administration inherited.
How’s it being tackled?
Yes, security is a top priority. The administration inherited a very tense situation. But serious work is being done to tackle it.
One of the major steps being taken is the move toward state policing.
This has never existed in Nigeria before, but now the National Assembly is reviewing the Constitution to provide a legal framework for it. This will allow local governments and communities to be policed by their own people, recognised under the law.
It’s a bold step, and once operational, it will significantly improve internal security nationwide.
Developmental drives in Nigeria seems to be driven by individuals rather than institutions
as it happens in other climes, how long will we continue on this part?
It’s not that Nigeria has weak institutions. We have weak men running strong institutions.
The Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is a document.
Just ink on paper. It only becomes effective when individuals carry out the responsibilities assigned to them under it. It is those individuals who give life and meaning to the Constitution.
For instance, Section 214 of the Constitution outlines the formation of the Nigerian Police Force and the powers of the Inspector General of Police. If the IGP fails to act on those powers, the Constitution remains lifeless.
The system only works when the people in charge fulfill their duty.
The Police Act empowers the Inspector General of Police (IGP) to act independently, even without interference from the President. That’s what the law says. So, when an IGP is appointed and he fails to act decisively against criminals or those with criminal intent, you don’t blame the President—you blame the man in office.
We have strong institutions in Nigeria, but they are manned by weak men. That’s the issue. The real question is: how do we find strong men to manage these institutions effectively?
I remember from physics, one of Newton’s laws: to every action, there is an equal and opposite reaction. If the opposing force is stronger, it displaces you. So, a leader must be strong enough to interpret the constitution fully and act according to it, without fear or favour.
When someone in power refuses to act justly because a case involves a relative, friend, or associate, that’s a weak leader. But the Constitution doesn’t care who’s involved—it must be upheld.
Think of a CCTV system. It will record what happens, but it won’t stop someone from stealing. That’s where human monitors come in—to act on what they see. When those entrusted to respond are asleep on duty, criminals will have free rein.
That’s what we face today.
How can we start recruiting stronger leaders?
It starts with the electoral process. I’m a product of free and fair elections. I didn’t pay anyone to vote for me. People voted for me based on my record, credibility, and what they believed I could do differently. And that’s why I work hard to lead without favouritism.
Who is Clement Jimbo?
Clement Jimbo is a patriotic Nigerian. I believe in unity, fairness, and equity. I believe what’s good for one is good for all. I don’t judge people based on tribe or religion. I relate with people based on the value they bring, not sentiment.
For example, someone working with me today didn’t vote for me— he supported another party. But I saw his value and brought him on board. My empowerment efforts go beyond my constituency.
I’ve lived in this same place for 16 years. Even now, as a federal lawmaker, I could have relocated to Uyo or Abuja. But I stayed so the people who’ve known me can still feel my presence. I want them to see that I’m still one of them.
I believe in equitable distribution of Akwa Ibom’s wealth—across all ethnic groups, including non-indigenes living in the state. That’s why I appreciate Governor Umo Eno. He recently increased NYSC allowances not only for corps members serving in Akwa Ibom but also for Akwa Ibomites serving outside the state.
That’s leadership without bias. That’s the kind of quality we need in leadership—and I fit into that mould. Beyond that, I’m an ordained pastor. I preach the Word of God, and I have the gift of discernment. I can tell when someone is being truthful or not.
So when constituents come with exaggerated or false claims—saying things like “it’s an emergency,” I can tell when it’s not genuine. People know me for that—I speak boldly and truthfully.
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